Statement from Ayman Nour’s family

September 10, 2006 by baladee

Ayman Nour is a political prisoner in Egypt. A liberal democratic, he was charged with falsifying signitures when registering his party, Ghad (Tomorrow), and jailed in December 2005. He came second to President Hosni Mubarak in November 2005 Presidenital elections and has been viewed by commentators as the greatest challenge to Mubarak’s son and toted successor Gamal Mubarak.
Statement by Nour’s family on the anniversary of the presidential elections in Egypt.

This week marks the anniversary of the first presidential elections in Egypt’s history which took place on September 7, 2005. This week also Dr. Ayman Nour, leader of Al-Ghad party and the second candidate according to the results of the presidential elections, almost completes one year in prison for allegedly having forged Al-Ghad party powers-of-attorney.

We receive both events with contradicting feelings due to the severe deterioration in Nour’s health after having suffered coronary artery, diabetes and high blood pressure complications. Thus, continuing to enforce the five-year sentence would represent a death sentence to Nour, a matter organized by Article 36 of the law governing prisons which deals with release for medical reasons. This issue is also governed by Article 149 of the Egyptian Constitution which entitles the President exclusive authority to grant pardon or reduce the sentence. Dear Sir, Today there are people celebrating the one year anniversary of the election considering it a sign of democratic progress. There are also those who believe it useful for the President to use the exclusive authority vested in him by the Constitution by suspending the penalty or considering the year Nour spent in prison sufficient due to the extremely hard conditions, the unjust and harsh treatment he was subjected to. It has become clear that those who wish to show their ability in serving the regime are focusing on harassing Nour through depriving him of his basic human right guaranteed by the Constitution and the Prisons Law. It is enough to point out the decision to prevent him from writing in a clear violation of the Constitution, the law and prison regulations. He was also prevented from receiving treatment and having an urgent artery operation at his own expense. Moreover, he is under 24-hour surveillance in prison, prevent from movement and correspondence in violation of the law and prison regulations. He is also prevented from receiving the special food for his health condition from outside the prison which led him to go on hunger strike more than once in objection. The Administrative Judiciary Court is also considering a number of relevant lawsuits, the decision related to the first of which is expected on 26 September.

We appeal to you for immediate intervention to save Ayman Nour’s life and for a wise call for a stance that takes all the conditions of the case, which we do not wish to go into now and which are known to everyone, into consideration.

We are not asking to give Nour an equal treatment as singers, artists and others. We only call for observing the circumstances, harms and health risks and respond to a request submitted to the President months ago by 110 current parliament representatives to release Nour through a Presidential Decree in accordance with the Constitution.

The President’s response at this time in particular to the request of about one-third of the parliament representing the nation has major implications. It is worth calling for and moving to achieve to save the life of an Egyptian citizen who, on 7 September 2005, obtained over half a million votes.

Dear Sir,

We address this message to you due to our confidence in your sincere patriotism and your ability to make an effort in line with the dedication we know you enjoy to your convictions and the ideas you adopt that transcend political and party differences.

We hope the God grants success to you efforts on our behalf.

Ayman Nour’s small and larger families

Dr. Ayman Nour’s Word on the One-Year Anniversary of the Presidential Election in Egypt

September 10, 2006 by baladee

Ayman Nour is a political prisoner in Egypt. A liberal democratic, he was charged with falsifying signitures when registering his party, Ghad (Tomorrow), and jailed in December 2005. He came second to President Hosni Mubarak in November 2005 Presidenital elections and has been viewed by commentators as the greatest challenge to Mubarak’s son and toted successor Gamal Mubarak.

Dr. Ayman Nour’s Word on the One-Year Anniversary of the Presidential Election in Egypt
I thank those who elected me and those who imprisoned me.

Yes. Today completes a year of hope and pain. One year has passed after the first presidential election in Egypt’s history. No need to go into the details that are in the nation’s memory. Some issues are too significant to be treated as a page torn out of a book, a mountain deleted from a map, a moon the blue fire of which can be blown out or a river that an administrative decision can detain and change its course.

The bruises, wounds and broken bones we suffer are not important because of a price that some chose to raise. It is important to realize that the clock will not turn back. We should not accept that it does.

It is not important to save your feathers, losing your dignity and our stance and giving up what is not yours to give up.

The “official” results, despite all the changes they were subject to, say that over half a million voters, representing 7.8% of Egyptian voters, dreamt with us of the hope to change.

Yes. The dream is not yet fulfilled. However, when people exercise their legitimate right to dream the day must come soon when these legitimate dreams are fulfilled.

The people’s living dreams represent a statement the strongest censor can not delete. He may be able to postpone them but he does not have the power to delete them or avoid their explosion.

One year has passed and every spot in this country -the villages, the cities, the farmland, the south, the streets, the alleys, the mosques and the churches- smell of heroism.

One year has passed since that day on 7 September 2005 when millions of Egyptians looked for their votes in vain. The doors they knocked on were slammed in their faces because those who refused to allow them to
vote using the ID cards restricted this right to 25% of the citizens to whom they gave the right to choose their ruler.

These people were only armed with the desire for change and reform. Their bare hands were capable of changing criteria, modifying policies, renewing values and changing theories. This was not possible, however, because they were deprived of their right to vote.

When the amendment to article 76 was announced in February 2005 the authority had already closed the door to issuing voting cards and refused to allow citizens to vote using their ID cards as is the case with presidential elections worldwide. Voting cards that determine local constituencies are irrelevant in presidential elections because
it is an election to choose the country’s president and where every citizen is a voter.

Al-Ghad Party Media Center
كلمة د. أيمن نور … بمناسبة مرور عام على
>الانتخابات الرئاسية في مصر>
> شكرا لمن انتخبوني وشكرا لمن سجنوني
>
> .. نعم اليوم هم المتمم لعام من الأمل
>والألم.. عام مر علي انتخابات رئاسة
>الجمهورية الأولي في تاريخ مصر.
> .. لا داعي للتفاصيل التي لم تخرج من دائرة
>ذاكرة الأمة فهناك أمور أكبر من أن
>تكون صفحة تنتزع من كتاب، أو جبلا يحذف من
>خريطة، أو قمرا تنفخ فيه فتنطفئ
>شعلته الزرقاء، أو نهرا نعتقله بقرار
>إداري فيغير مجراه ومساره..
> .. ليس مهما كل ما نعانيه من كسور ورضوض
>وكدمات.. بفعل ثمن أراد البعض أن يكون
>باهظا.. المهم أن تدرك أن عقارب الساعة لن
>تعود إلي الخلف ولا ينبغي أن نقبل أن
>تعود.
> .. ليس مهما أن تنجو بريشك، وتفقد كرامة
>وصلابة موقفك، وتفرط فيما لا تملك
>التفريط فيه.
> .. النتائج »الرسمية« رغم كل ما تعرضت له
>من مغايرة في الرصد والجمع والخصم
>تقول. إن هناك ما يزيد عن نصف مليون ناخب
>يمثلون 7.8٪ من الناخبين المصريين
>حلموا معنا بالأمل في التغيير.
> .. نعم لم يتحقق الحلم بعد.. لكن عندما
>تمارس الشعوب حقها المشروع في الحلم
>لابد وأن يأتي قريبا ذلك اليوم الذي تدرك
>فيه أحلامها المشروعة..
> .. أحلام الشعوب الحية، هي جملة لا يملك
>أعتي رقيب أن يشطبها، قد يؤجلها، قد
>يؤخرها، لكنه لا يملك أن يحذفها، أو يتدارك
>انفجارها..
> .. عام مضي.. وما زالت رائحة البطولة تفوح
>من كل بقاع هذا الوطن من قراه ومدنه
>ريفه وصعيده، شوارعه وحواريه، مساجده
>وكنائسه..
> .. عام مضي علي ذلك اليوم ٧ سبتمبر 2005، الذي
>خرج فيه ملايين من المصريين
>يبحثون عن أصوات لهم، دون جدوي، ليطرقوا
>أبوابا أو صدها في وجههم من رفضوا أن
>يكون التصويت بالبطاقة الشخصية قاصرين هذا
>الحق علي 25٪ من المواطنين أصحاب
>الحق في اختيار من يحكمهم..
> .. خرج هؤلاء العزل من كل الأسلحة غير
>الرغبة في التغيير، غير إرادة الإصلاح..
> كان بإمكانهم أن يقلبوا بيديهم العاريتين
>مقاييس، ويبدلوا سياسات، ويجددوا
>قيما ويغيروا نظريات، لكن كيف هذا وقد
>حرموا عمدا من حق التصويت.
> .. عندما تم إعلان تعديل المادة 76 في
>فبراير 2005 كانت السلطة أغلقت الباب
>أمام استخراج البطاقات الانتخابية ورفضت
>أن تفتح الباب ثانية قبل الانتخابات
>بعد أن رفضت أن يكون الانتخاب بالبطاقة
>الشخصية مثل الانتخابات الرئاسية في كل
>دول العالم.. حيث تنتفي قيمة البطاقة
>الانتخابية والتي تستهدف تحديد الدائرة
>المحلية التي سيختار الناخب نائبه عن هذه \nwww.elghad.org
>

\n

“,0] ); D(["ce"]); //–>
>الدائرة دون غيرها وهو ما لا قيمة له
>في حالة انتخابات رئاسية المرشح فيها هو
>لكل الوطن وكذلك الناخب فيها هو كل
>مواطن..
>
>
>المركز الإعلامي لحزب ال

Rap in the kasbah – The Arab Rap Family is aims to change in Egypt’s music scene

September 1, 2006 by baladee

Approaching the lineation of a large stage in one of Cairo’s major music venues last month bestows an unusual intrigue. Emerging from the distant sounds of “de na na (this no no), ho, ho, ho” are baggy jeans and oversized basketball shirts bouncing to a central beat like a tennis ball on a leather cushion. Advancing through the smoke, the violet and indigo lights reveal two central players, flanked by a guitarist, bassist and drummer, rapping in tandem, giving shout-outs to the crowd and slinging a waving arm high into the air whilst another clutches a microphone. The semblance of Snoop-Dog beards and hats worn backwards provide what would appear to be a very un-Arab scene. I even see the face of Tupac Shakur printed onto a jean leg.

However, drawing nearer to the stage you realise that these rappers are Arab, actually Egyptian, and they are stepping over a cultural dyke. They are rapping in Arabic. In fact it’s the decided ethos of Monadel Ander and Nadoo Gad, the genesis and nucleus of the band, to be distinctly Arabic, if not distinctly Egyptian. After all, they are the Arab Rap Family.

“People always ask us, ‘why don’t you rap in English?’”, says Monadel, who characteristically of his professional dancing roots refuses to give his age. “It could be but, I need to give my own people the message first.

“One of our beliefs is to be Egyptian rap firstly and after that to be Egyptian rap accepted by English. Do our thing here and then let other things happen.”

Nadoo, 29, who grew up in Egypt, Saudi Arabia and for the majority of his formative years in the States before moving back to Egypt, continues: “I did English before and there’s a lot of offers that come in to do English here, people will sponsor me: clubs, record companies. But I’m not really trying to do that, because everybody should stick to their own. It’s not my goal [to do English rap]. That was my goal when I was younger but now I look back on things I want to do things that are kinda hard.”

Monadel adds, “When I and my friends started making rap the African roots of the rap made it feel like a part of us because we are African. It’s part of us. Because we belong to Africa, with Algeria, Tunisia, more than we do the Gulf. I listen to Algerian rap too and I asked why don’t we have a rap in our language?”

This despite their own exposure to Western culture. Monadel trained as a dancer in London and still works professionally alongside rapping which he has created for the past seven years. Nadoo was previously a music producer of rap groups in Seattle. Having written English poetry since childhood he started writing rap and in the last couple of years has amassed nine singles to his name. Yet this English collective is now being put to one side for pursuit of the Arabic domain.

“There will always be similarities because of the roots of rap, “ he cautions about the two forms. “But it’s good to be different in the melody and the way we think and write the lyrics.”

However, their mixture of, as they describe it, mellow rap funk doesn’t come without its difficulties. “It’s not easy to rap in Arabic, because Arabic is so hard to write, especially the language of the street,” says Monadel.

The buoyant pair believe that their phonetic selection will have greater resonance with audiences than English and common Arab pop fair. “Our lyrics are just like we are talking to somebody because we use the language that people know, that‘s used everyday on the streets,” says Nadoo.

“We are trying to make the language that the people use heard,” continues Monadel. “Also we want to use words that all people will listen to. Because I don’t just want young people listening to me, I want people of all ages.”

The Arab Rap Family’s material also veers from mainstream romance-infused tracks. “My rapping is advice or stories from what’s happened to me and what’s wrong about it. I have had bad relationship experiences so I talk about that. If I know something I try to get that advice out,” says Nadoo. One song, “Ganoud wara mike” (“Soldier Behind the Microphone”) particularly stands out, but they have little hope for it commercially. Nadoo explains: “It basically talks about what’s going on around us. Everything that’s wrong in Egypt politically, the war in Iraq, the war on oil. This is one of the best songs we have, it’s straight from the heart. But I don’t think it will ever be played on the radio or anything, because of the lyrics.”

This is evocative of rap’s beginnings as a voice for the repressed in the United States and Africa. In Western and Sub-Saharan Africa it has been a great source of entertainment and social commentary, but rap has now spread to the Arab world with performers from Algeria (Intik, Double Kanon), Morocco (Salah Edin), Tunisia (T.A.C – The Arabic Chamber) and Palestine (DAM) gaining greater recognition. In many cases groups originate due to transatlantic links, with American-Arab immigrants returning to their homelands to talk about issues of identity and struggle, but continuing to rap in English. Yet, outfits such as Salah Edin and DAM are more organic. Edin has gained great success internationally rapping in his native Darija Arabic, working with the likes of the Wu-Tang Clan and France’s IAM. His 2006 debut album ‘Horr’ covers a range of issues faced in the Arab world, from street poverty, to theatrical love stories, politics and religion. The Arab trio DAM, from the village Lod in Israel, are the most prominent group giving a voice to the suffering of Palestinians in Arabic. Alongside talking about repression, their lyrics address topics of crime, drugs and women’s rights, issues faced usually as direct or indirect offshoots of their occupation. This is indicative of the numerous rap groups emerging from the West Bank and Gaza who use Arabic rap to deal with their situation and express their rights.

The Arab Rap Family sees openings for change in Egypt. “Now we have some layers of democracy, whereas we didn’t before,” says Monadel. “It’s not that good but we can go forward. It’s the same in the USA too, where you have to be loyal to you’re country. It’s the system stopping you in some way. Here, I cannot say something about the government directly.”

However, I venture that gaining appreciation may prove difficult regardless in Egypt, where the music industry and culture have not yet succumbed to rap. However, Monadel and Nadoo disagree. “The way I see it there’s no limits on the scale,” says Nadoo. “It’s not just for people wearing baggies. There’s gona be older people, some girls wearing hijab, and guys. Sincerely there’s no limits. I think music has now changed in the past few years. You don’t listen to one thing in music anymore, it’s more open.”

“Ever since I came back to Egypt [in 2002] the audience has opened up more. I think people are looking for something new and different. They want new music because they see that everybody has rap, and I think that we are becoming more open because we have satellite TV, the internet, they see more of what’s going on in the other world, that we don’t have here. So people are becoming more open minded,” he continues.

And there is evidence to support their claims. Although they may not have reached the level of Amr Diab yet, performers such as Wust il Balad, Rached Taha are gaining ever greater followings that convey audience tastes away from pop. Then there’s successes such as shabbi and Shaaban Abdel Rahim, whose words of the working-class are similar to those of the Arab Rap Family’s.

But they do admit that there are initial hurdles to deal with: “Rap music is more complicated and people are not used to listening to it,” says Monadel. “So when you’re singing they miss some words. So we are working to get people to love it through our live shows.”

Seeing the Arab Rap Family live does live up to their own billing. With the both battle and synchronized rap comes jokes, break-dancing and audience members [dancing] on stage. Interaction with the crowd is key and hugely effective in engineering a relaxed, humorous and highly visual show. And they do attract a varied demographic, the dad and children, middle aged and youthful guy and girl – with and without hijab – are dancing or clapping in response to the group’s protestations for audience activity.

“We’re trying to have a good show and to jam,” says Nadoo. “We have good musicians and we can just flow on them.”

In this style they have been influenced by their American counterparts, but only to a certain extent. “How they do the whole thing in rhyme, that’s what I take from American rap,” says Nadoo. “It is the art of the poem and how you can deliver it that makes people feel it.

“But American rap – Tupac, N.W.A. – is mostly violent and negative. We’re not trying to have any negative rap or anything like that, we’re just trying to keep it positive. We’re trying to talk people’s language and have fun.”

Such positivity has taken them this far and sees them billed at Sakia in the coming months, on the play list at Egypt’s Nagoom FM and being invited to the International Pop Music Festival in Rome in September. Here the distinctiveness of their sound will be just as evident as in Egypt, and it is what they will remain proud of, no matter who is listening.

A great divide

August 7, 2006 by baladee

We meet Yasir at the Israeli check point leading in and out of the ancient Palestinian city of Nablus. Like him we had been told that we might not be allowed out of the city until 3 am, although the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) soldier seems as unsure as we and the other 400 or so Palestinians waiting there are. The time is 9 pm.

“I wait here for three to four hours everyday.,” says Yasir, a student at the university in the city, who has been enduring this fate for the past three years. “I can see the lights from my village from here, it is only a ten minute walk. But I have to wait.”

“How am I supposed to study? How can we do anything?” he beseeches.

Lying on the deific mountainsides of the West Bank, Neblus is a browbeaten city. We were earlier told that IDF forces would attack Palestinian refugee camps around the city that night as has been a frequent occurrence in for the past five years. Overhead we hear Apache helicopters and see fire orange flares shot over paths leading out of the city ensuring that no one is leaving via an illegal route.

Taking refuge in a local hotel, there is little distraction from the sporadic exchanges of gunfire heard over the city. Barely a sole is in the streets, and those businesses not already closed down are bolt-locked. It is a very un-Arab affair not to see tea drinkers, sheesha smokers and restaurant owners out and about come nightfall.

Like most West Bank communities Nablus is being attacked: either literally by the IDF under the premise of extinguishing insurgents; via vast disruption to daily lives; or undernourishment, as Israel administers all goods going in and out of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Special passes are needed for Palestinians to pass between cities, including their main economic, social and cultural region of Jerusalem, and these are frequently denied.

There situation is not assisted by fundamentalist Jewish settlers arriving in the West Bank. In Hebron around 50 settler families claimed land where intricate alleyways blinkered by Palestinian shops and homes stood. They duly built on top of the buildings. Now the alleyways below are virtually deserted and seldom are functioning stalls. Fixed above the walkway is chicken wire which holds litter and rocks, some piles so burdensome the wire has drooped down. The local resident who shows us his city says the wire was put there to stop the settlers from chucking stones at the people below. It worked, but now they throw faeces.

Israel’s prevention of a functioning Palestinian state is a method of control used to extend their own settlements in the region and dominate the area’s economic resources. The eight metres high “Separation Barrier”, built by the Israel to keep terrorism at bay, as well as cutting the West Bank into numerous small, detached, impoverished subdivisions, has confiscated 10% of the West Bank. This 10% is the West Bank’s richest agricultural land and contains the majority of its water.

The next morning Nablus is awake and continuing as if nothing has occurred. Last night’s events area part of life, as is the demolished Palestinian government building we see on our way out of the city, razed by Israeli tank fire in the previous month. The Palestinians here will go on using eight times less water per capita than their Israeli neighbours 60kms away. Their toilet systems will continue to be more primitive – unable to take paper – compared to the modern Israeli system. These issues will persist as signs of segregation and persecution. Later as we cross back through the separation barrier the government sign on the Israeli side that greets those passing with ‘Peace be unto you’ seems more Orwellian than ever.

Summer refugee camp

August 2, 2006 by baladee

“My neighbour died. She was drinking coffee on her 6th floor balcony and a bomb hit her.

“Every hour bombs hit 10 metres from my house. I just stayed inside because I didn’t know where to go. Then the mayor said I could go.”

Galit Damti has been brought by bus with her husband and two children from her home in Nahariya. She sits beside a 40-foot stage, rigged up to state of the art sound equipment set on white sand that leads to a turquoise blue sea. Bikinis and board shorts strut around the pool tables and chill out areas nearby. Yet, as much as it might be mistaken for one, Damti’s temporary refuge from Hezbollah’s katyusha rockets which reign down on northern Israel is not an Ibiza-style summer festival.

This camp near Askelon, 40kms south of Tel Aviv on Israel’s striking Mediterranean coast has been manufactured for those in most need in the north by Arkady Gaydamak, controversial Russian businessman, whom French police reportedly want to question in relation to an arms-for-oil deal with Angola involving former French officials.

For four weeks he has paid the maintenance costs of approximately $500,000 per day to keep the 6000 people in two tent cities covered, fed, occupied and entertained. This has included refuse collection, 24-hour security, 300 helpers and even the drafting of Israel’s biggest comedians and mainstream pop stars to provide evening entertainment. 35 hairdressers have been found amongst the camp’s numbers – which range from 2-month old babies to 80-year-old pensioners – to provide an additional service and keep refugees busy.

The “city” is run like a summer event. The luminous wristbands used to designate individuals allotted meal times further the impression that a fat one’s going down in Askelon, and on the surface people appear to be enjoying themselves. As I enter the camp my chaperone leaves me with the words, “Have a good time,” and talking to those within gives the impression of relaxed ease. “It’s very nice,” says Lioz, 16, here from Kriatata with her sister and parents. “We can swim, we have everything that we need.” But she also says that she talks to her remaining family in the north everyday, as, scratch the surface and there are of course much more serious issues at play.

Alongside concerns for family members – there’s constant queues to use the free telephones – a sense of persecution runs high. Damti says, “It’s very sad that the world sees it from Lebanon’s perspective and not Israel’s. I don’t know why people say Arab is good and Israel is not. Arabs don’t like America, Israel, Spain, all of the world. I don’t think that the world likes the Jewish. ”

Haviv Gyuav, 30, a disabled army veteran said, “Maybe we are too soft. We tried everything giving them Palestine, Lebanon but still they attack us.”

The camp is symbolic of a pulling together of the Israeli people. In the southernmost city of Eilat, which has almost tripled its population of 55,000 since the war started, refugees are being hosted in their 20s and 30s by local families, restaurants and entertainment is provided at a free or reduced rate and public buildings have been made available for shelter. It is estimated that 6 percent of Israeli’s 7 million population has been displaced by the war.

But it’s the future that people are looking to, as Damti continues, “I am very, very sorry that people in Lebanon died. But I think that we need to take care of Hezbollah for good. The sooner the better, then we can go back to our regular life, after all my husband has only taken a week’s vacation from work.”

Torture and dictatorship: On which side do we stand?

June 15, 2006 by baladee

“Their punches and kicks came one after the other… There were moments of so much pain… targeting all my body. They started repeating one sentence, “What the fuck brought you today?”"

State Security officers had arrested democracy activist Mohamed al-Sharqawi on May 25 after he left a peaceful anti-government demonstration in downtown Cairo.

One of the officers ordered his pants to be removed and began squeezing his left testicle.

“The pain was terrible. He kept doing it for three minutes, during which I was screaming and asking him to stop so I could catch my breath. They ordered me to bend over. I refused, but they forced me.” Al-Sharqawi said officers then sodomized him with a roll of cardboard.

The NDP rules via a culture of fear in Egypt, treating democracy and human rights with contempt. Despite this $2 billion and almost $600 million a year in US and EU aid respectively, augments state funds, much of which is never seen on the ground.

Liberal opposition leader Ayman Nour, 41, is one person paying the price. Three months after becoming leader of Ghad (Tomorrow), in October 2006, he was arrested for forging signatures to register his party. On bail he came a distant second to the incumbent Hosni Mubarak, 78, in September’s Presidential elections, said by monitors to have been rigged. In December he was jailed for 5-years with an appeal declined, despite a key defendant claiming state security forced his statement and a prosecutor’s call for a retrial.

At the same time as Nour’s appeal in May President Mubarak’s son Gamal, 43, thought of as being groomed to replace his father, was spotted by an Al-Jazerra reporter entering the White House on which was later admitted as being a secret visit to Bush, Cheney and Rice.

“We’re all very furious about this,” Gameela Ismali, Newsweek’s Cairo correspondent and Nour’s wife, told me. “While we were being beaten in the street, assaulted, detained, he’s been received there. And then they come out and talk about democracy.”

The West is employing realpolitik rather than humanitarian motives for their alliance with Egypt, preferring a dictatorship to democratically elected Islamists or possibly unstable liberals. Crucial to US and British control in the oil rich Middle East and Islamic Arab world, Egypt is also an authoritative moderate regional force against Iran and Hamas. A bid in the US House of Representatives in June to reduce aid to Cairo by $100 million to show displeasure at democratic setbacks, with that aid to be split between Darfur refugee assistance and fighting the global AIDS epidemic, was narrowly defeated. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice in a letter to lawmakers called Egypt “a cornerstone of U.S. policy in the Middle East.”

During its 25-year reign the NDP has asphyxiated its nation’s people and pluralistic structures. Since April government crackdowns have been harsh. Two judges have been imprisoned for claiming NDP electoral fraud in the 2005 elections; 100s of democratic protestors, journalists and 10 bloggers critical of the government have been detained. Mubarak, who promised a new era of democratic reform last year, has tightened his grip on the judiciary, selecting loyal judges for specific cases such as Nour’s.

Abuses have drawn barely any recognition in Washington, which said it was merely “disappointed” by the 2-year extension in April of a 25-year-old emergency decree, allowing the government to prevent gatherings of more than five individuals and hold people – at present totalling around 15,000 – indefinitely without charge. The major design of Bush’s second term, the radical pushing of democracy internationally, has gone.

“The West’s hypocritical,” says Ahmed Esmat, a 21-year-old electronic engineering student. “They lecture about democracy but help dictators, and it’s citizens here that suffer.”

Isamli is agonized by the “hollow statements” from the West. “[They should] stop backing this dictatorship,” she asserts. “I think Egyptian’s are really furious. Everybody can see clearly that Bush and his administration have other priorities in the Middle East. [Fine] But, then he should stop mentioning anything about freedoms, democracy and reform”

With a repressed liberal movement such anger leads to greater support for Islamists. Officially banned due to their religious links, the US feared Muslim Brotherhood now control almost twenty percent of Parliament after many of its members stood as independents at the elections. Human rights activist Dr Saad Eddin Ibrahim, whose organisation completed election monitoring and exit polls, noted: “The Muslim Brotherhood got 4% of the vote. About half of them are protest votes [overall] giving them 20% of the seats.”

Ibrahim, 67, has felt the emergency law’s effects. He was imprisoned in 2000, until his acquittal in 2003, for criticizing Egypt’s political process despite his having only ever undertaken peaceful human-rights protests. “I was subjected to 45 days of sleep deprivation,” he told me. “Since I became a cause celebre they were careful not to use the crude torture they usually use and that they used with others [from his organization].”

The Muslim Brotherhood are also regularly targeted by the government. They claimed to have had 300 of their members detained at the protest in May that saw Al-Sharqawi’s arrest. The majority of the 15,000 imprisoned without charge are thought to be Islamists.

The Egyptian government is swift to absolve itself of any responsibility for abuses. Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif assured that, “We will never use the emergency law other than to protect the citizen and the security of the nation and combat terrorism.”

To Ibrahim, instead of finding an ally in fighting “terrorism” in the NDP, the West should be pushing further for democracy: “To me this is the only way democracy will take place. Or at least the support for the autocrats has to be withdrawn. We can fight them, we have seen that. But when they give them arms and aid it weakens our ability to bring them down, to get them to bargain and compromise.”

The West’s strategic relationship with Egypt, and fear of the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood, means democracy and human rights can wait for Egyptians. This neglect for a major ally’s use of torture and degradation of pluralistic political belief exposes the lie behind neo-con idealism, Bush’s platform and the Iraqi war.

There leaves little opportunity for redress by Egyptians: “I’m not happy,” says 26-year-old Mahdy Shahine, a communications undergraduate. “In the UK you can say anything about your government. In Egypt nobody can.” The effect, with 25-years of de-politicization of the population by the NDP, is apathy. Few young people are involved in politics of any form and there is little associational behaviour. In a country with a median age of 24 the effect is widespread, ensuring that on asking many young people to tell me their views on their government I receive only a familiar Egyptian tut, a shake of the head and the contact of wrists, suggesting handcuffs, as an answer.

Letter from Ayman Nour to the European Parliament

June 7, 2006 by baladee

 

 

Ayman Nour is a political prisoner in Egypt. A liberal democratic, he was charged with falsifying signitures when registering his party, Ghad (Tomorrow), and jailed in December 2005. He came second to President Hosni Mubarak in November 2005 Presidenital elections and has been viewed by commentators as the greatest challenge to Mubarak’s son and toted successor Gamal Mubarak.

This letter was smuggled out of prison three days ago in Arabic in Nour’s hand writing directed to Mr Mcmillan Scott, the European parliament vice president to forward to other members. Following is a translation of the letter. Please consider the fact that he is banned from writing or giving away any papers to his lawyers or family for the third month now, and is under monitoring 24 hours a day and unable to meet anyone rather than his family or lawyers.

30 May 2006

Tura Mazraa Prison

South Cairo
From: Ayman Nour

To: Esteemed Members of the European Union

    Deputy Head of the European Parliament

I address this very short letter to you and to all the honorable and free people in the world, to all the representatives of the free people and those whose consciences refuse oppression, injustice, false accusations and merciless murder.
My letter is very short due to the circumstances out of my control restricting my freedom and depriving me of my human rights, the foremost of which is the right to write, express and reject the injustice and suffering I am subjected to!!
The day my freedom was taken away in January 2005, your great efforts –after God and combined with the efforts of my supporters- played a crucial role in my release. The first faces I saw –an honor to me- were the faces of a delegation of European male and female parliament representatives. Your visit to me during my imprisonment is not only reason for breaking the doors of this prison and my temporary release, it also gave me the possibility of exercising my right in running for the first presidential election. I was imprisoned to prevent me from running for the election in January 2005. With God’s grace and the enthusiasm of the reformists I was able to come in second to the president and be the only competitor to him and his son despite the rigging and all forms of injustice, defamation and changing the results. I also paid an extra price when my constituency’s election results were rigged thus causing me to lose my permanent seat in the parliament due to blatant rigging. Some of you were in Cairo and witnessed a part of the tragedy.
Today I pay a new and high price as punishment for having run for the presidential election. I am also being prevented from continuing the democratic reform path in Egypt so that the current regime can strengthen its presence by claiming there is no alternative for it other than fundamentalism and terrorism, thus forcing people inside and outside Egypt to accept its presence.
Unfortunately, ladies and gentlemen, I do not pay this price alone. My children, family, party, my whole generation and all the reformists in this country pay the price, too. I lost my freedom, my work as a lawyer, journalist and chairman of the first and only civil political party to be established in a quarter of a century, the duration of Mubarak’s rule. I am threatened of remaining in prison for five years and prevented from exercising my political rights for another five years to guarantee that Egypt is inherited by Mubarak’s son, as well as making me an example to anyone who thinks of breaking the power monopoly not only in Egypt but in the Arab world!!
I call upon you to exert every effort to defend my fair case not for my sake, nor for the sake of my children or my party that is being destroyed, my human rights which are violated in this prison every morning, or my life which illness, injustice and oppression are eating away at. I ask you to defend my fair case to keep hope alive for the coming generations which we do not want to lose hope. It is for these generations that I call upon you to exert every effort to defend my fair case and to visit me in prison to witness the truth which the Egyptian regime is very good at concealing and telling lies to prove the opposite. Free people of the world. I am dying alone for a principle, for my country and for freedom. Please raise my voice before my spirit departs this world.

Ayman Nour